Guest Post by Willis Eschenbach
In January there was a study published by The Royal Society entitled “Solar activity at birth predicted infant survival and women’s fertility in historical Norway”, available here. It claimed that in Norway in the 1700s and 1800s the solar activity at birth affected a child’s survival chances. As you might imagine, this attracted much interest, particularly among the credulati. So I wanted to take a look at their data.
Unfortunately, the authors did not archive the data and code. So I got in touch with said authors, and they kindly provided part of the data. This is a dataset of some 5,167 individuals showing birth years, sex, solar “MAX/MIN” category, and lifespan. In particular, my thanks to Professor Eivin Røskaft who has been most responsive to requests and queries from myself and others regarding the data and code.
Now, before I do any detailed analysis of a given dataset, I first want to see what all of the data looks like. It’s a graphical game, because we can’t gain anything by looking at a huge pile of numbers. We have to convert the numbers into patterns in order to grasp their nature, distribution, and significance. Before doing any detailed analysis I like to start by looking at the big picture, all of the data. So here was my first plot of the Norwegian data. It’s a plot of the lifespans of the individuals (vertical axis) versus their year of birth.
Figure 1. Lifespan by Birth Year, Norwegian data. In order to show the underlying structures, I use partly transparent dots. In that way, it’s darker where the data piles up.
Mmmm … you can see why the first step should always be to look at the whole dataset. It’s obvious that we are looking at some curious combination of information which has led to two very different subsets of data. There are a bunch of people who died before they were twenty-one … and then there are a bunch of people who mostly lived a full lifespan, sixty to ninety years or so.
I have no idea why the dataset is divided in that manner. I thought it might be data from two different sources, but that turns out not to be the case. Professor Røskaft was kind enough to provide us with the following answer to my question:
We see your point about variation in sample sizes and age classes across years, and there are certainly many caveats when analysing such historical records. However, the data are all gathered from the same source, and the “two-datasets” impression is an inevitable consequence of the data collection. These data were collected with tracking individuals across generations in mind. Starting with the first church record, we could find the first adult generation, which we then used to track their offspring, which of course only were born ca. 20 years later. If you do a simple exercise of reading a church record, you will find births, marriages and deaths. Let’s say that we start with the first book in 1700. Then we will know the number of births that year, the number of marriages and number of deaths. For the married couples, we could even go back in time, since we know their age at marriage (let’s say they were born in 1675). Hence, the different distribution of the “two-datsets” is the difference between the generations. However, there are an equal NUMBER of generations in each group.
The lack of deaths around 20 years of age is probably caused by the fact that we could only track married couples staying in the same village as they were born. As stated in the note under Table S1, unmarried and emigrated individuals could not be included.
While I appreciate his reply, I still don’t see why any of those would make the sharp cutoff at exactly twenty years seen in Figure 1. I certainly may be missing something in his explanation. But let’s set that aside, and continue with the data.
As is common in my life, I’m looking at some kind of dataset that I’ve never analyzed before. So the diagonal lines in Figure 1 puzzled me for a bit. But then I realized that these were mass mortality events, likely epidemics or crop failures. And in fact there are records of a bad epidemic in Norway in 1772-3. This is the darkest of the diagonal lines in Figure 1. It starts at the bottom of the graph in 1773 and goes up to the left, as indicated by the red arrow. It’s described in one church record as a “blistering fever”, so perhaps measles, cowpox, or smallpox.
I bring this epidemic up to highlight a problem with the data. Look at how many infants, children and young adults died as a result of the 1773 epidemic, lots of deaths right up to the age of 20. And there are also deaths among older individuals, in their thirties and forties and more … but we have no recorded deaths of 21- or 22- or 23-year-old individuals. The recorded deaths cut off abruptly at exactly 20 years. So obviously the dataset is not an accurate representation of the deaths of the times … worrisome.
In any case, here’s my first cut at comparing the sunspot numbers at birth with the lifespans for the full dataset. Figure 2 shows a scatterplot of lifespan versus sunspots during the birth year.
Figure 2. Scatterplot, lifespan versus sunspots during the birth year.
At least for the full dataset, there is no significant relationship between sunspots and lifespan.
Now, regarding the appearance of there being two datasets, Professor Røskaft was good enough to explain to us that it doesn’t matter because their work is based on infant and child mortality rates, viz:
As I am sure you know from reading our paper, we did not do any statistical analyses of life expectancy. For the survival analyses, we only used the subset of reaching adulthood or not (20 years of age). The life expectancies reported for each group in Table S1 (online) are merely means +/- SD of our complete dataset, as stated in the legend. As evolutionary biologists, our focus is fitness (reproductive success) and then you basically need to reach adulthood and produce many children. If you look at the survival curves (Fig S1), the major difference lies within the first two years of life. As we argue in our paper, the reduced lifespan is solely due to a high infant mortality.
So it appears that they are only using the lower section of the data shown in Figure 1, the under-21 data. OK, fair enough, that’s legit. There is a remaining problem, however. This is that nature is naturally clumpy. As the poet had it:
Shake and shake The ketchup bottle None’ll come and Then a lot’ll.
The deaths of infants and children in Norway are a great example of this clumpy nature of nature. Figure 1 shows that at the longer term, there were lots of epidemics and/or crop failures from 1750 to 1800. Look at all of the slanted lines in the lower part of Figure 1 during that time. And then there were few mass mortality events for the next fifty years. But then from 1850 to 1900, the death rates jump again. Clumpy.
And the same is true on all time scales, from daily to annual to centennial. No deaths for a few years, or decades, and then a bunch. And this leads to a big problem when you want to relate and compare a clumped dataset to a highly cyclical phenomenon like say sunspots. The odds go way up that what looks significant is actually just random. When you are comparing a strongly cyclical signal like sunspots to a “clumpy” natural variable, it only takes a couple of clumps in the right spots to give the appearance of causality and correlation.
As a result of all of these considerations about just the dataset itself, I’d be very cautious about any interpretation of results from this dataset without a good hard look under the hood at whether they are significant. And with those caveats, let’s look at the under-21 lifespans. (I have omitted the final 20 years of the under-21 dataset, because we need at least 20 years of data to see the full lifespan distribution up to 20 years of age.)
Now the authors have divided the dataset into “MAX” and “MIN” based on solar activity during the birth year. I disapprove of this procedure for two reasons. First, I dislike it because it is arbitrary and subjective. For example, in this case the division ends up 70/30, with 70% of the individuals being counted in the “MIN” category, and 30% in the “MAX” category. But some other arbitrary threshold could reverse those numbers. So the binary “MAX/MIN” conversion is highly dependent on the threshold chosen, and with different thresholds you can get very different outcomes.
Second, it doesn’t make sense to me to replace a continuous variable (average annual sunspots) with a categorical variable, particularly a binary categorical variable (e.g. MAX/MIN). Seems to me like you’re throwing away valuable information when you do that. In particular you lose all dosage/response information. And when you are looking to establish causation, dosage/response is an important part of the evidence.
But that’s what they did, so let me do the same. Figure 3 shows two histograms of the lifespans of the under-21 part of the Norwegian dataset. The blue histogram is of the individuals listed as “MAX” for the sunspots during their birth year, and the hatched red histogram is of the “MIN” individuals. I’m using the authors’ MAX/MIN division as specified in the data they sent me.
Figure 3. Histograms, Norwegian under-21 lifespans during “minimum” and “maximum” solar activity. The solid blue columns show the individuals born during solar “maximum” (n = 502 individuals). The red hatched columns show the solar “minimum” individuals (n = 1,321 individuals).
Figure 3 shows what percentage of the individuals died at 0 years, 1 year, 2 years, and so on. For example, in both MAX and MIN groups about 38% of the individuals died before their first birthday.
In fact, there is very little difference at any age between the MAX and the MIN groups. I’m sorry, but I’m just not seeing any evidence. There’s no statistical difference between the survival rates based on the level of solar (sunspot) activity at birth.
The authors say that they have “controlled” for various other factors. According to their paper these factors are sex, maternal effects, socioeconomic status, cohort and ecology. I haven’t been given access to that data, so I can’t comment on their claim.
But when you start splitting things up into sub-sub-sub categories, you need to adjust your statistics to allow for that, and I can’t find any evidence that they’ve done so, or that they are even aware of the issue.
The problem is that if you look long enough you’ll find unusual things. Here’s an example. If a person takes six coins and throws them in the air at once, there’s only one chance in sixty-four that all six of them will fall heads up. That would be unusual. That result would be called “statistically significant”.
But if she picks all six coins back up and tosses them again, and does the same again, and again, sooner or later they’ll come up six heads. And when they do so, the person can’t claim at that point that six heads is statistically significant. It’s not. Six heads is unusual, but it’s only unusual if the coins are just tossed one time. It’s not unusual if the six coins are flipped twenty times. And each subdivision of your data, say first into male/female and then into max/min, is the same as flipping the coins twice as many times …
Note how far the subdivision has gone in their analysis. Above, I show all individuals divided into two groups by solar activity, MAX and MIN. The next step would be to split them up by sex, so then we have four groups (max and min male, max and min female). Divide them further into high and low socioeconomic status and we have eight groups. Then dividing by ecology gives us sixteen groups, and an additional division by cohort gives us thirty-two groups …
With 32 groups, are we surprised that we find things that look significant but aren’t? With thirty-two tosses of six coins, you have about a 40% chance of finding a toss that’s six heads … with that fine a division it’s not significant at all to find six heads.
As a result, I fear they have not established their claims. They haven’t allowed for the number of trials in their calculation of statistical significance.
Let me show one final look at just the under-21 data. Figure 4 shows a scatterplot of lifespan versus sunspot count for just the under-21 part of the Norwegian dataset. It’s the same as Figure 2, but for the under-21 individuals. This avoids the whole “MIN/MAX” problem, and relates the two variables directly:
Figure 4. Scatterplot of the lifespan of the individuals in the under-21 Norwegian dataset, versus the number of sunspots during the birth year. Red line is the trend line of lifespan with sunspots.
Well, there you have it. When the trend line is horizontal as in Figure 4, that means that there’s no relationship between under-21 lifespan and sunspots. Nor does this surprise me. If sunspots had that much effect on human gestation and survival, we’d see the same effects all over the map in all kinds of living organisms … but we don’t.
So are the findings of the authors statistically significant? I don’t know, because the authors haven’t provided me with the data to test their findings, and because the authors aren’t aware of the problems with their significance calculations.
But given my findings in Figures 4 & 5 regarding the full under-21 dataset, I greatly doubt the significance of their findings regarding sub-sub-subsets of that data. Even if we were to find a putative effect on say boys, who were high-status, from a particular cohort, born during the MIN, and raised in a certain ecology, it would have to be a very, very strong effect to be significant.
In closing, I have to give a mixed report regarding the authors. In their great favor is the fact that they were responsive to requests from myself and from others for data and code. Professor Røskaft in particular was most forthcoming, answering questions and providing further data. So all of the authors have my thanks for that.
However, at the end of the day I still don’t have their full dataset with all of the status and ecology and other information … it’s another example of why providing the data as used and the code as used is so important.
Best to all,
w.
My Usual Request: If you disagree with someone, please have the courtesy to quote their exact words that you disagree with. In that way, we can all understand the exact nature of what you object to.
Further Reading: After writing much of the above, I found that in some aspects I’d been anticipated by the irrepressible Matt Briggs, Statistician To The Stars.
Data: The Norwegian Data provided by Professor Røskaft is here as a text file.
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Coronary heart disease and geomagnetic activity
http://meetingorganizer.copernicus.org/EGU2014/EGU2014-13457.pdf
“….During 14 years we collected more than 25000 cases of acute myocardial infarction and brain stroke at seven medical hospitals located in Russia and some other countries. We used only cases with established date of acute attack of diseases. Undated cases were excluded from the analysis. Average numbers of patients at geomagnetic active days and days with quiet geomagnetic condition were compared. It was shown statistically that during geomagnetic disturbances the frequency of myocardial infarction and brain stroke cases increased on the average by a factor of two in comparison with quiet geomagnetic conditions….”
Just single look at Briggs’ blog made the problem with this reanalysis obvious:
You only work with deaths. To analyze mortality, you need to divide number of deaths (under certain age) by total number of births. Without that, the noise that natural changes in birth rate introduce to the data is too much to obscure any potential results. Of course, you didn’t have total number of births for each year available (though I find it plausible that it was available to the paper’s authors).
What you have shown is that data do not suggest that sunspots introduce statistifically significant change in mortality slope under 21 years. However, change in mortality slope is order of magnitude harder to detect than change in total mortality.
On further investigation of the data I found one oddity. First I limited the data to only 1760-1830 years because these don’t suffer from ‘end of interval’ conditions. When I then created a scatterplot of number of people who survived 21 years versus number of total recorded births to that year, the dependency was linear but did not go through zero. The more people were born in a year, the greater was the chance of their death being recorded. It could be used to estimate number of unrecorded deaths after age 21.
Apart of that, I found no signs of 11-year periodicity. None at all however hard I tried.
I think the poet was Pam Ayres, who said
Thump’n shake the plum sauce bot’l
None’ll come, ‘n then the lot’l.
Or something like that. Ahead of her time if opining on climate data analysis.
The paper may be confusing cause and effect. [Child] mortality rates will dictate early death, very high before child childbirth and infant illness were understood let alone treated correctly. These figures will be distorted by birth rates, which normally increase. You also have to consider the fact that better living conditions mean that people live longer. Poverty is also a great driver to early death, back when the figures were extracted it was dreadful. Climate also adds to the mix, deaths increase as it cools.
I do not think that sunspots have much to do with it apart from low spot numbers mean cooler temperatures.
Willis,
I think there is a time delay of twenty years in your data set because the original recruits to the study are from marriage records. The legal minimum age of marriage is 20. Therefore all deaths from age zero to twenty are recorded as being for children born to married women already in the study.
Try adding a twenty year static to the age group 0 to 20 and re-plot your graph.
Some general thoughts on this:-
1. The study starts with marriage records. The data are recorded by year, not by month or day. This time band discretisation is equivalent to a low pass filter.
2. What is the age at which marriage becomes legally possible? The minimum age of marriage is not stated but we can infer that it is 20 years from comments about recruitment into the study. If we assume that the society was traditional and that the typical gestation time of 9 months applies, then women aged 20 will only have 3 months in which to give birth before they become 21 and are recorded in the next age band. “Anticipation time” and shot-gun weddings at “showing time” may add another 3 months to this age group, but there will still be fewer births to women aged 20.
3. Dead singles, of whatever age, don’t get married so they are not recruited into the study.
4. I don’t know how the data will be affected by teenage mothers who have to wait until they are twenty to be legally married.
(Memo to self. Light blue touch paper and retire.)
Willis : I have downloaded the data, and there appears to be a pattern related to the position of the birth year in the solar cycle. Surprisingly, it’s of lower numbers of early deaths with birth year at solar min or max but higher in between (on the up and down slopes). Surprising, so I’ve probably got it wrong! It’s late here in Oz, so I’ll come back to it tomorrow, but with your superior expertise (and R) you might like to take a look at how deaths before ages up to say 5, 10, 15, 20 relate to the birth year’s position in the solar cycle. ie, looking at the solar cycle instead of SSN. Wiki gives the solar cycles here https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_solar_cycles I was using the start and maximum dates to determine the phases of the cycles.
Well, I’ve been back through the data, and fixed a few things. As expected, no significant solar cycle pattern emerged.
I downloaded the Norwegian data using the link https://dl.dropboxusercontent.com/u/96723180/Norwegian%20Lifespan%20and%20birthyear.txt provided by Willis. I downloaded solar cycle (SC) data from http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_solar_cycles
I divided each solar cycle into ten deciles, five equal periods from cycle start date to cycle maximum date and five equal periods from then to next cycle’s start date. I numbered the ten deciles 0 to 9. So deciles 5 and 6, for example, are just before and just after solar maximum. I think better dates are possible, but this uses publicly available data, so I’m not adding bias.
The 252 years 1756 to 2007 are not evenly distributed between the SC deciles, partly because the second half of each SC is on average 6.8 yrs vs first half average 4.2 yrs. The distribution over SCs 1-13 (the bulk of the Norwegian data) is similar.
After allowing for the uneven distribution of the years, there was no obvious SC-related mortality pattern, well not that I could see, anyway. Maybe there are slightly more births just before solar maximum – but that’s pretty much the case across all lifespans, so it makes no sense unless the approach of solar maximum makes conception more likely!
http://members.iinet.net.au/~jonas1@westnet.com.au/NorwayBirths.JPG
http://members.iinet.net.au/~jonas1@westnet.com.au/NorwayDeaths.JPG
(The blue line that stands out a bit in both graphs is the 21-30 lifespan. No idea why.)
@Philip Mulholland
I think you are probably right BUT we don’t really have any raw data (I mean real, raw data) from the marriage records. The download TXT is a joke. They should be ashamed if this is what they are working with.
I cannot imagine why anyone would start with marriage records, except that the base data used by the present study comes from a bunch of sociologists. As you say, Philip, you miss a lot of people. If anything you have to start with death records (counterintuitive, I know).
If only it were so easy. Unfortunately it is a very messy task trying to associate marriage, birth and death records with unique individuals.
1- Let’s note first that parish records (certainly in central Europe) are not records of births but of baptisms.
Big deal, you may say. But stillborn and very young infants, if they can’t hang in for the day or so it may take to get them baptised, will not appear in the baptisms list at all (as Philip points out). They will, however, appear in the death register with an age of 0 or some hours.
In the 18th and 19th the quantity of such ‘lost infants’ was a very high proportion of births. In the area and period that I am familiar with (central Europe, 18c) a family may experience 10 to 15 births, of which usually only a small proportion would survive to adulthood and where a number of those births would usually be ‘lost infants’.
2- People move around. The baptismal record does not tell you when and where that person died. The death record usually tells you where they are ‘from’ which can also be guesswork.
3- The age on the death certificate – particularly if the death does not take place in the parish holding the baptismal register is often just a guess, and can be a wild one, too.
4- Some people marry, some don’t, some marry a lot (common in the 18c).
For the above reasons it is very difficult and time-consuming to try to come up with a list of unique individuals. The sociologists in the underlying study were just interested in socieconomic groups and not absolute births and deaths.
Ahh, Sociology, the queen of sciences!
It would have been nice to first plot a chart of age against frequency. That would make it much easier to decide if the data has superficial problems. The age at which a particular person dies is not just determined by genes and dice-tossing. Each age has characteristic dangers. We could then see easily whether the data points for age correspond to reasonable values in terms of our expecations:
We expect
1- a big peak at 0-1: infant death is a dramatically high proportion.
2- a peak at 1-5: during this time the immune system gets tested and built up. Many fail.
3- that once a person has got to about 10 years old there will be good life chances until about 40.
4a- that if a person reaches 40 intact they have a good chance of achieving an age between 60 and 80.
4b- special case: women. Women will come into childbearing age about 15 and may not survive the procreational load. Death during childbirth tends to be earlier rather than later. It’s the first or second child that gets you. After you have had 15 kids you can be considered indestructable. This may explain the suspicious looking straight-line cut-off before 20 y/o.
5- there will be outliers at the top. Apart from genes and chance there is no pattern here: I have records of 18th century people who have had extremely hard lives but have nevertheless lived to 80+ (in one case I have, 101 years).
Given that the sample is ‘only’ 5k+ and is distributed over 200 years, there aren’t really a lot of code points in each year, once we take away the heavy loss caused by infant mortality. This also may explain the very empty 20-30 range.
We not only have to allow for epidemics, we also have to allow for weather disasters. For example, the ‘hunger years’ in central Europe of 1769-73 (the endpoints a bit vague, depending how you measure them) went like a scythe through the population. The were caused by a a succession of very late, very cold and very wet springs.
Now, you WUWT guys will certainly be able to tell me whether that had anything to do with sunspots. Come on, get your spreadsheets out!
That’s a grea post, Peter. But by “Sociology, the queen of sciences!”, you really mean: “Sociology, the Fairy Queen of all sciences”, don’t you ? 🙂
Nice job Willis. I see the link to the data. Did you provide a link to your code?
It really is like two different data sets. I loaded into LibreOffice Calc and sorted by year. Starting in the 1800’s things seemed to change. Starting at 1866, or so, they record very few life spans greater than 20, and a very high percentage of 0s. Strange.
Here is a ten year running average of lifespan vs year. IMO, the data are are not good outside about 1750 to 1860.
http://oi59.tinypic.com/mhal3o.jpg
Make that a ten samples average sorted by year. Simply shows that they recorded almost no child deaths early on, and almost no adult deaths after the mid 1860s.
This is what I meant…
…much simpler
The data is BUST!
http://i57.tinypic.com/6rrqs7.png
There are many potential problens with this data, but it also reflects what must have been an extreme infant mortality. In a nation where extreme poverty was the norm, farming is difficult and malnutrition and undernourishment would have been the norm, that is hardly surprise.
but inferring mortality from church books is flawed, as it gives burials not deaths. In a nation where going off fishing was a major source of income for much of the population for parts of the year, the books would not have accounted for those many who died at sea, a fairly large number one imagines. Sea faring in general being another major industry, those who died abroad would likewise be unaccounted for.
But its not necessarily that wrong, I imagine people in their 20s were less likely to die than most other ages, being at their prime and having survived the danger years and the various diseases they’d contract naturally as children.
And considering the gaggle of children people had at the time (around 10 seemingly the norm assuming a healthy couple, and over that not uncommon) death in childbirth seems surprisingly uncommon. If any group in their late teens and 20s were to be represented in the books, the women are the ones most likely to be present from cradle, or atleast marriage, to grave. Perhaps the same study excluding males would give a more representative group.
With nearly 100 % of the 1825 equivalent population leaving the country by 1925, the data is severly deficient.
I looked at the original paper and this is all quality stuff …. for the Onion! All seriousness and earnest, but absurd. Who looks for UV effects in a country more famous for lack of sunshine? Near the arctic circle no less. There is nothing in this paper to make me believe that the subjects ever spent much time outdoors. Maybe the inland subjects were farmers and the island subjects were fishermen, but who knows?
Every once in a while, someone should do a study like this just to show that statistical techniques should never be used by those who do not know their limitations. The limitations of statistics, but also of sociologists evidently. So many factors, so few controls.
The paper would have been better if it referred to the subjects’ signs of the zodiac. Really!
Hi Willis , its possible that the effects of volcanic activity from nearby Iceland could have messed with their study findings by blocking the sun , crop failure etc. Perhaps taking icelandic erruptions into account may even improve the corralations they where looking for ?. There is a timeline of eruptions at a site called ; ICELAND GEOLOGY ‘ a short history of volcano eruptions in iceland ‘ . There was rather a lot of them back in the times of the populations studied. cheers
I can understand the infant mortality rates, look at the graves in any cemetery that covers the pre-modern medicine & obstetrics era & you’ll see a horrendous number of children’s graves.
As for the rest, I’d expect there to be a low level of mortality amongst young adults, especially men. Once they’ve survived the diseases of childhood, child-birth aside (hence the men!), they’d have a good chance of living a full life. I am surprised by how old they lived to. Looks like around 80!
The cut-off at 20-ish is odd.
Over to the medical profession!
Controlled maternal effects?
That would have to be the biggest factor. From Wikipedia (a bit lazy today)
Young mothers face higher risks of complications and death during pregnancy than older mothers,especially adolescents aged 15 years or younger.
The first rule when looking for correlation between two variables is there must be a plausible causal link between the variables. If not, it doesn’t really matter if the correlation is statistically significant. Rare events do happen by chance. It’s not that difficult to get two pair in a poker game. The odds is one in twenty. That would be statistically significant for 95% confidence interval.
Correlation studies comparing health to some third factor are really difficult because health effects are dependent on condition and also dependent on the presence of disease which may or may not be related to the third factor. So, for example, you may have been poor condition in 2009 but as it turned out to be a low flu year even in countries that didn’t vaccinate the chances are you survived (and the fact that H1N1 wasn’t very virulent also helped- virulence of a disease strain is also difficult to distinguish from environmental effects) . You need to determine if epidemic years correlate with sunspot actvity and if they don’t you still need to check if in epidemic years only, does sunspot activity correlate with, for example, mortality for epidemic years. This subdivision of the dataset greatly reduces the number of cases in the analysis and typically lowers the power of the trial so you have to lower the criteria for significance to avoid a type two error. A proper evaluation is very difficult and in the end it is only correlation so one has to ask if it is worthwhile. At this point I would have to say that Willis’s analysis makes it seem likely that sunspot activity doesn’t affect the likelihood of epidemic but it doesn’t help us decide if epidemics are worse when they occur in high or low sunspot years, so the question has not been fully addressed
“credulati”
Thanks, Willis. It’s a much needed word.
I LOVE the word ‘credulati’.
Thanks, guys. I was pretty happy with the word “credulati” myself.
w.
I’m confident the authors know correlation does not imply causation.
I’m also confident the authors know correlation helps insure publication.
Any correlation.
“Solar activity at birth predicted infant survival and women’s fertility in historical Norway”
I didn’t know the Royal Society publishes astrology. Oh well it also publishes AGW propaganda.
Regarding the difference between British (or English if you prefer) and Norwegian houses, the climate is different. In the part of England where most of the population of the UK actually live, snow is a rarity, at most a few days per year. Any house built before 1966 was built with a fireplace for a coal fire, and what now counts as draughty was then ‘well ventilated’, as an open fire is more likely to kill you in a sealed building than cold in a draughty one. A single coal fire in one room of a poorly insulated traditional British house heats the whole structure to a tolerable or better level in a British winter, and when the climate was that bit colder in the mid 19th C, more than one fireplace was provided, up to one per room, and for all I know up in the North. But there the diet is heavy on fried Mars bars, pizza fried in batter and Haggis, washed down with IrnBru and alcohol, so the inhabitants themselves are physiologically more hardy.
Following the decline of coal as a primary source for domestic heating (blame who you like: Clean Air Acts, Mrs Thatcher, the Aberfan disaster or just getting fed up of the dirt), British building standards have seen a progressive change. It would now be unusual to see a new building without cavity wall insulation, double glazing, central heating etc. with the central heating run off gas, electricity or oil, and in transitional cases coal. (And coal provides most electricity too).
I could live in an unheated tent in southern Britain year round and through the winter, but I wouldn’t like to even try it in Norway except in High Summer, and even then I’d be bothered by the flies.
Our lack of snow brings one additional benefit: we don’t have that millefeuille of snow and dog excrement that you get in Scandinavian cities that make the places so obnoxious when it melts. Not that I like being splashed by a passing vehicle here, but it is hyper unpleasant where it happens routinely and one is deluged in liquid manure.
As for the original thesis, no doubt the statistics in it are twaddle, but infant and childbirth mortality in the past was radically different than today. Indeed, prior to antibiotics, people died of tooth extraction and infections of no consequence today and many formally fatal infant complaints are things of the past.
Are Norwegians terrified of a degree or two rise in average temperatures? I bet it’s still bloody freezing in a Norwegian winter!