Introduction
In 2025–2026 the world faced a series of decisions by China that at first glance looked like another step in its technological confrontation with the West. Beijing introduced export licenses for gallium, germanium, and several other rare‑earth metals, citing the need to protect national security. The United States and the EU responded by increasing strategic reserves, attempting to accelerate domestic production, and launching diplomatic efforts to diversify supply. The markets experienced a short‑term panic, but most observers viewed the situation as a temporary episode that would not change the overall dynamics of global trade. A deeper and more strategically significant process lies behind this episode. Restrictions on rare‑earth exports became the starting point of a chain of interconnected consequences that disrupted U.S. defense supply chains, altered the balance of influence in Africa, and accelerated the formation of new technological blocs.
The analysis uses the Yankee angle — a framework I introduced to describe how the United States interprets and responds to strategic disruptions. It combines a defined analytical viewpoint, a deliberate angle of approach, and the American habit of turning positioning and timing into advantage. Applied to the current situation, this perspective shows that the rare‑earth crisis is not an isolated market fluctuation but a direct challenge to U.S. technological and defense resilience.
Why rare earths have become a strategic resource of the 21st century
Rare‑earth metals form the foundation of the entire modern technological infrastructure. They are essential for producing radars, satellite sensors, laser systems, high‑precision magnets, batteries, and unmanned platforms. They underpin the modernization of armed forces, the resilience of energy grids, the development of space technologies, and the data‑center infrastructure that enables modern artificial‑intelligence models.
China controls most of the world’s production and processing of rare earths. This concentration creates strategic vulnerability, because alternative supply chains require long investment cycles, environmentally complex technologies, and intergovernmental coordination. Rapidly replacing China in this domain is impossible, and any change in its rare‑earth export policy directly affects U.S. national security.
How the crisis began: facts of 2025–2026
In 2025 China introduced export licenses for gallium and germanium — key elements for semiconductors and optical systems. In 2026 neodymium, dysprosium, and terbium also came under control. These decisions coincided with Western restrictions in high‑technology sectors, which gave them a political context.
The market reacted with rising prices. The United States announced the creation of a strategic reserve of critical minerals, the EU accelerated its import‑substitution program, and Japan intensified projects in Southeast Asia. In parallel, China increased investments in Africa, especially in the DRC and Tanzania, where key deposits of cobalt, copper, germanium, niobium, tantalum, and light, medium, and heavy rare earths are concentrated.
Disruptions in supply affected the production of high‑technology components, including elements for satellites, radars, and unmanned systems. U.S. defense companies warned of risks of delays in fulfilling contracts. As disruptions spread, the crisis quickly acquired a systemic character, affecting production timelines and broader technological planning.
The cascade of consequences: how one decision triggers a chain reaction
China’s restrictions became the starting point of a chain reaction affecting several levels of the global technological system.
At the technological level, rising prices affected production schedules, delayed infrastructure upgrades, and led to material shortages across high‑technology sectors. Supply interruptions began to shift the timelines of military‑modernization programs, because the production of key defense systems depends on stable access to rare‑earth elements.
At the geopolitical level, these operational disruptions immediately scaled outward. Competition for African deposits intensified, and access to extraction and processing sites turned into a lever of influence among major powers. China, the United States, the EU, and India expanded investments, infrastructure projects, and political engagement, turning Africa into a contested arena where resource access shapes regional alignments.
At the strategic level, the key issue becomes the vulnerability of U.S. defense supply chains. Dependence on rare‑earth elements creates a stable structural weakness that affects the timelines of defense programs, the nature of military planning, and long‑term technological resilience. China’s control over rare‑earth supplies strengthens its ability to influence states whose defense and technological systems rely on stable access to these materials.
Geopolitical consequences: a new architecture of dependency
The rare‑earth crisis has shown that technological security is becoming a central element of national strategy. States that control raw‑material supply chains gain a strategic advantage comparable to the capabilities of traditional military deterrence.
China is strengthening its position as a mineral superpower, shaping political and economic dynamics in Asia, Africa, and Latin America. Its control over rare‑earth processing increases the dependence of other countries and creates new forms of political pressure.
For the United States — and, to a lesser extent, the EU — the situation remains difficult: their technological chains are firmly dependent on Chinese rare‑earth production. The world is beginning to fragment into blocs where the key factor is access to critical resources and the capacity to maintain stable supplies. These blocs form around real extraction and processing chains — the Chinese resource contour, U.S.–European programs to create alternative supplies, and Indo‑Pacific diversification projects. In the logic of the Yankee angle, rare earths become an indicator of strategic resilience: they reveal where vulnerabilities emerge in U.S. defense and technological chains.
The rare‑earth crisis exposes a deeper structural problem for the United States: even where domestic deposits exist, they remain vulnerable without secure extraction and processing. Any U.S.‑based sites would require protection regimes comparable to those applied to critical energy infrastructure, because any disruption would directly affect defense production. At the same time, the absence of a full domestic processing cycle forces the United States to rely on foreign facilities, creating additional vulnerabilities. Washington will ultimately face a strategic choice: either create protected processing capacity on U.S. territory and import raw materials for refinement, or establish secure processing hubs abroad with adequate physical and political safeguards. In both cases, rare earths become not merely an industrial resource but a security‑critical domain that must be shielded from intrusion and disruption.
Conclusion — Strategic Scenarios for the Rare‑Earth Crisis
The rare‑earth‑metals crisis is not a temporary episode and cannot be reduced to a trade dispute. It marks the emergence of a resource‑driven geopolitical environment in which control over critical materials becomes a defining element of global power. Technological security is increasingly central to strategic stability, and access to rare‑earth elements is becoming a component of national economic strength. In the logic of the Yankee angle, this shift functions as a direct test of the resilience of the U.S. technological and defense system.
The structural effects of the crisis extend beyond 2025–2026 and shape several potential paths for further development. Each has distinct implications for the resilience of U.S. defense supply chains and the distribution of technological power.
Key developments include:
- Controlled fragmentation. The West reduces its dependence on China only partially, leaving persistent exposure at processing stages. China maintains control over separation, refining, and alloying. This, in addition to increasing the risk of delays, raises the cost of defense programs and reduces the flexibility of technological planning.
- Gradual fragmentation. The reduction of dependence proceeds slowly. Production schedules remain intact, but the cost of high‑technology components increases due to China’s advantage in midstream processing. Beijing’s strategic leverage grows, increasing U.S. reliance on strategic stockpiles and diplomatic arrangements with suppliers.
- Competition for African resources. Africa becomes a competitive arena for China, the United States, the EU, and India. Access to extraction and processing functions as an instrument of geopolitical pressure. Local instability increases, the cost of raw materials and processing rises, and U.S. dependence on politically unstable regions deepens.
Across all scenarios, the decisive factor is the speed at which the United States can reduce the vulnerability of its defense and technological supply chains. Without protected processing capacity, stable supply channels, and strategic reserves, rare‑earth dependence will continue to constrain U.S. technological power and limit strategic maneuverability.
The rare‑earth crisis is becoming a structural element of the global environment, shaping the resilience of the American technological and defense system. In the logic of the Yankee angle, the United States’ ability to adapt to these conditions and establish secure supply chains will determine its strategic position in the years ahead.
Sergey E. Ivashchenko is a strategic analyst working at the intersection of escalation dynamics, information strategy, and long‑range strategic forecasting.
This article was originally published by RealClearDefense and made available via RealClearWire.
Wrong. Gallium and Germanium are NOT classed as rare earth elements. The second sentence of this article claims that they are. Maybe chemistry articles are best written by professional chemists with proper degrees. Geoff S
The term “rare earth elements” is not defined in the article. It should have been. So, gallium and germanium are not rare?
Wikipedia is quite good at undisputed facts.
Rare-earth element – Wikipedia
Geoff S is right. The author is talking about ‘Minerals that China controls’ while misusing the term ‘Rare Earth’. That should be spotted on a science-savvy site like this one.
However, the political points, that the article is focussed on, are unaffected by the lack of technical knowledge.
And that’s one reason I enjoy this site- to learn things I wouldn’t learn just by reading the lamestream media.
Gallium and Germanium are not scientifically designated as “rare earths” which, in chemistry, are elements in the Lanthanide series of elements. However, in commerce, they are considered rare earths because they are essential for semiconductors and other modern electronic systems and they are rare. I can understand sherro1’s comment if this person is a pedantic chemist. Otherwise, it’s just smoke.
The REE “crisis” in the US has everything to do with government regulations shutting down processing facilities, nothing to do with China except them not having the same excessively stupid and restrictive feel-good regulations. There is no need for strategic reserves or stockpiling or trade bluster or any other government bandages on top of the old bandages which caused this problem. Just get rid of the idiotic processing restrictions, make it clear they will stay gone for the foreseeable future, and markets will deliver all the REE necessary.
Plenty being found in Australia, too… !
Could be processed there… if…. !!!!
Back before 1993, my wife was operating an energy-dispersive X-ray fluorescence spectrometer that I had encouraged my employer company to buy and use to scan strange rocks found by our field geologists. One afternoon she found some high rare earth elements and others including zirconium, niobium and hafnium sent in from our talented geological team working from Parkes, NSW. This was the start point of the Toongi deposits that await development.
So yes, they are being found in Australia, but I do not imply that it is easy. It takes skill and experience that costs a lot of money to assemble and feed. Geoff S
Say it like it is. China has cheap labor, no environmental qualms, no finance problems, no red tape, no anything that would hinder production to attain monopoly.
They don’t have demonstrations every week demanding some remote place needs help.
They don’t have Woke activists claiming they need to join the EU and pay reparations to….
They don’t have progressives claiming diversity and inclusivity are essential.
They don’t have an alphabet soup weird rainbow coloured tattooed and pierced political class.
They don’t have open invitation for everyone to come in and receive free everything.
They don’t have Net Zero but support others in their progress of it by supplying batteries.
They don’t have a ban on coal and gas and they do drive above 20 MPH.
There are so many things the Chinese do not have that we in the West enjoy every day /s
The Adults are in charge in the United States now and efforts are being made to secure all things essential to national security.
All we need is a little bit more time.
at the intersection of escalation dynamics, information strategy, and long‑range strategic forecasting
Did Kamala Harris contribute to this article?
Is there a surprise there somewhere? This has long been the obvious strategy: Move all manufacturing out to the East. Pauperize the West. Import many millions of the 3rd world to bring the education level down and balkanize the countries. It began 50 years ago and is reaching the final stages now, as we engage in wars as a client state. The West is bankrupt and toast.
BTW, rare earths are not very rare, just difficult to process. Someone needs a lesson on the periodic table. Here is the abundance table.
Someone needs to learn ore deposit geology and resource econ. Hint: crustal abundance is not the way to get there.
China is the ultimate predatory big box store. It subsidizes production to drive out competition until it gains a monopoly. It applies this model industry after industry, country after country, reinvesting profits to promote compliant foreign politicians to get in bed with China. As a result mines are never built except where owned by China.
Very nice. We got ourselves into a pickle no question. But in my view it is of our own making. We have a powerful minority against mining, logging, nuclear energy, fossil fuel energy in other words most development done in a capitalist way. China isn’t stupid it pays very close attention to every step we foolishly take putting ourselves in a straight jacket. They are merely buckling the straps for us. We need to stop being stupid and tell the activists to take a hike. There is nothing mysterious about this.
Unfortunately, if the situations were reversed, we would be doing the same things.